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Mussolini, Rama and their collaborators who know a lot!
2026-11-02 21:13:00 / IDE
By Irena Beqiraj
In the history of Benito Mussolini, there is an episode that deserves to be remembered whenever we talk about the relationship between a leader and the people who were part of building his power.
It is the story of the assassination of the socialist deputy Giacomo Matteotti, in June 1924. Matteotti was one of the most determined opponents of fascism. He had denounced the manipulation of elections, political violence and corruption of the regime. After his kidnapping and murder, the investigations led to a group of people directly linked to the fascist power structures. At the head of the group was Amerigo Dumini.
But after their arrest, the story becomes even more interesting.
Italian historian Mauro Canali, one of the researchers of the Matteotti case, describes a relationship of mutual blackmail between Mussolini and his arrested men. The imprisoned collaborators threatened to speak out if Mussolini did not intervene to protect them and get them out of prison. They knew a lot. The Duce's political survival depended, at least in part, on their silence.
Mussolini, on the other hand, conveyed an equally clear message: If he fell, they would remain in prison; if he survived politically, he would find a way to escape.
The agreement was tacit but understandable: You take responsibility, you don't talk about me, and I'll take care of you.
A type of contract that didn't need a notary, where one held the power and the others kept the secrets.
Almost a century later, in Albania, the conflict between Edi Rama and Erion Veliaj, although in completely different historical and political circumstances, brings to attention a similar mechanism where power makes you a collaborator, fear makes you loyal and secrets become shackles, disobedience life imprisonment!
According to the version made public by lawyer Plarent Ndreca, Justice Minister Toni Gogu visited Veliaj in Fier prison and conveyed a message from the prime minister. The message contained the request to hand over the mandate, delegate power to persons designated by him and give up the defense lawyer. Otherwise, according to this version, threats of transfer to another prison and the orientation of SPAK towards new investigations followed.
Rama and Veliaj have been part of the same power structure for years. Veliaj was not simply a mayor elected by the Socialists. He was one of the most important figures in Rama's political project, one of the people who embodied the continuity and success of this project in Tirana.
Today, Rama's personalized power openly displays the same peculiar logic as in the case of Mussolini: A collaborator is valuable as long as he is useful and obedient. When he demands autonomy, he becomes a problem. When he opposes, he is treated as a traitor, and when he knows too much, he becomes even more unsuitable.
The continuation is known. As history shows, Mussolini did not stop. In 1943, when the regime was collapsing, some of his collaborators voted against him in the Fascist Grand Council, among them was Galeazzo Ciano, former Foreign Minister and Mussolini's son-in-law. Mussolini organized the Verona Trial. Five of those who had voted against him were sentenced to death and shot.
Meanwhile, the allegation of the involvement of the Minister of Justice in a conflict between the prime minister and a former associate of his, who is in prison, makes the Fier incident even more serious.
The Minister of Justice has a constitutional and institutional function. He is not a political courier, much less a messenger delivering messages to prison cells.
If Veliaj's version is proven, then we are dealing with a problem that goes far beyond a conflict within the Socialist Party. We have a situation where the boundary between institutional responsibility and serving political interests has finally disappeared.
The lessons, even after 100 years, remain bitter: When personal power becomes more important than institutions, even the closest associates can become its hostages, and when politics turns into a relationship of mutual hostage-taking, democracy is what risks remaining the last hostage.
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