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Edi Rama, Harari and the algorithm!
2026-09-04 15:59:28 / IDE
By Ermal Peçi
A few days ago, Edi Rama published on his social networks one of the most powerful thinkers of our time, Yuval Noah Harari. It is enough to have read the book Nexus to understand what Harari says about artificial intelligence, information networks and the power they have over modern society. But there is a big difference between what Harari analyzes and the context in which Rama places it.
Because, if you look at Edi Rama's political history, especially the way he has used communication, media, and technology to build public perception, Nexus can also be read as an interesting insight into a mechanism that Rama has been using for years.
Political history knows many powerful politicians who, over time, have turned their strongest point into their weakest point. Edi Rama is no exception.
From the time he headed the Municipality of Tirana until today, Rama has known how to use communication as an important instrument of power. He who in his political beginnings did not focus only on the ground, but also on the screen, on news headlines, on social networks and, above all, on the way in which public perception is constructed.
Rama was a master of this mechanism.
He knew how to build political history, transform concrete projects into symbols of change and image into an important part of governance. Painting facades, public spaces, urban projects and visual communication became elements of a new narrative for Albania.
But the politics of perception is not just a matter of image. It is also a matter of information, and this is where Nexus gets interesting.
Harari explains that the power of modern societies is increasingly linked to the way information is produced, filtered, organized, and distributed. It is no longer enough to have the information. It is also important to influence the way it reaches the public.
In the digital world, algorithms can determine what we see, how often we see it, and, just as importantly, what we don't see.
In politics, this can become an extraordinary weapon. Edi Rama has been using this mechanism for a long time. Social networks, institutional communication, the media that build the narrative of the day, and the political communication machinery have created for years an ecosystem where political reality has often not only appeared as it is, but also as it should have been perceived.
Even in the face of political opponents, this logic has been widely used. Political battles have been accompanied by media attacks, denunciations, news and communication campaigns, where the goal has not always been only to prove a fact, but also to build a perception. 50 million fake massages were fabricated against Lulzim Basha alone to damage his image. The way the McGonigal case was fabricated and reflected in the government-affiliated media is another proof of how Edi Rama used every algorithm even when breaking the law to harm his political opponents.
But every algorithm has a problem, it only works as long as reality doesn't knock it down, and this is precisely where one of Edi Rama's biggest problems may lie today.
Faced with a 91-day protest taking place in front of the Prime Minister's Office, faced with social discontent, economic problems, and crises that cannot be covered by communication alone, the propaganda algorithm seems to be facing its limits.
You can control the narrative for a while. You can control the headline. You can determine what comes on the screen. You can produce hundreds of messages, but you can't indefinitely control what people experience every day. You can't indefinitely convince people that everything is fine, when their lives tell them otherwise.
When the citizen's reality begins to be too far from the reality presented to them on the screen, the algorithm begins to fail.
The Albania that appears in political communication may be an Albania with investments, new facades, statistics, projects and beautiful photographs. But the Albania that citizens experience is one of prices, salaries, emigration, lack of services, corruption, insecurity and distrust.
When these two Albanias begin to drift apart, there is no longer any algorithm that can bridge the gap.
Perhaps therein lies the irony of this whole story. For years, Edi Rama has been one of the Albanian politicians who has best known how to use communication technology to build and consolidate power. But this very weapon, when used to replace reality with perception, can become his weakness.
Harari reminds us that information networks can construct political realities, but also tear them down.
However, there is something that is stronger than any algorithm: reality. When reality no longer matches propaganda, the algorithm does not protect you, it betrays you.
Perhaps Edi Rama would have done well to read Nexus not only as a book about artificial intelligence, but also as a warning about the power and limits of information, because even algorithms have limits. You can't endlessly convince a society that it's good, when it itself feels that it's not.
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