Lajme flash
Attempt to kill the Protest through an Alliance of Stinks, like an "Opposition Front"
2026-11-05 12:17:00 / IDE
The political boundaries of the social protest are defined by its major goal and inspiration, the rejection and overthrow of the old political system that represents the mayors and not the citizens. It is not simply about the overthrow of Edi Rama's government but of the political model that he represents and that keeps him in power; the personalization and privatization of public power.
Undoubtedly, Rama is the ultimate embodiment of this model that has withered Albanian democracy, but not the only one. The earliest model that Rama has been able to imitate and perfect is Berisha and Berishism, which have transformed the Democratic Party into a family business. Meanwhile, beyond the Rama and Berisha models, there is a pantheon of leaders who have been leading family-party or individual-party for decades, such as Ilir Meta and the SMI or Fatmir Mediu and the Republican Party.
The political system that such parties have built is what protesters have called Old Albania. This is the Albania of political clientelism, of corruption and systemic abuse of power, of enrichment through power and organized crime, and of the use of the state to subjugate rather than represent the citizen. It is the Albania of oligarchs, media, and parties whose primary goal is not inclusive development but personal enrichment and the reproduction of the status quo.
Therefore, it is precisely these parties that define the boundaries of social protest. Of course, the protest must materialize in a broad political front, which includes different currents and ideologies, because only in this way can the current political system collapse.
In this sense, the Flamingos' political front must include environmentalists, leftists, rightists, liberals, nationalists, and conservatives and cannot be reduced to a single political party.
But such an inclusiveness cannot function or be consolidated without a clear boundary of antagonism with the old political class. The New Albania can only be built in opposition to the Old Albania of Rama, Berisha, Meta or Mediu. Cooperation with the old political class will not only destroy the unity of social protest but will contaminate its strongest weapon, moral superiority.
Therefore, those who lament the division of the opposition are wrong when true representatives of social protest, such as members of the Joint Movement, clash with Sali Berisha's militants. Of course, every member of the Democratic Party has his or her right to go out to protest and join the social protest as an individual.
But social protest cannot be channeled, much less represented, by the Democratic Party led by Berisha and Berishism, a tumor of our political scene. The moral and political force of the Flamingo Revolution was and remains the demand for the transformation and renovation of our political scene. Reducing this demand to the rotation of power from one corrupt model to another delegitimizes and discourages the political potential of the protest.
I know that many readers will tell me that the protest has lost its political potential, or that it needs Berisha's numbers to overthrow Rama because it is not capable of doing something like that on its own. Or as a media outlet aligned with Rama claimed, the fight over the protest is a fight over ownership of its failure.
This is a political narrative that serves both Rama and Berisha to dig a hole in the protest. It is true that the numbers of protesters have fallen as a result of the lack of organization and its penetration by violent elements that have driven away peaceful citizens.
But the success of a protest is not measured only by numbers but above all by its cause and political potential. The shock caused by the Flamingo Revolution was not simply a consequence of the massiveness of the citizens but above all of the articulation of the citizens' discontent and their moral superiority in relation to the old political class.
The real potential of social protest lies not in the numbers it brings to the fore today but in the political alternatives it can produce tomorrow beyond the old political class. Both Rama and Berisha are acutely aware of this potential, and they are trying to capture or delegitimize the Flamingo Revolution, or declare its premature death, in complete synchrony.
Fortunately, none of them can kill the potential of the Flamingo Revolution because the political cause and the civic discontent that it managed to articulate, but not yet organize, continues to be there and grows every day. Meanwhile, each passing day increasingly highlights the corruption of Edi Rama's government, the degradation of the Berisha opposition and the need for a political alternative.
The only way to kill the potential of social protest is through the old political logic that the scum in power is overthrown only with a large alliance of scum in opposition.
It is a perverse logic that instead of elevating social protest, it reduces it to the level of oppositional filth that legitimizes the political swamp of the current government./ Taken from Lapsi.al, original title: "Beyond the political boundaries of social protest"
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