FLASH NEWS
Trump is at the same time a very big change but also a complete preservation of the old lines
2024-11-19 23:46:26 / EDITORIAL
What President Trump has said on the campaign trail and what is emerging from the appointments of his cabinet members shows that there is a clear determination to make very strong reforms. The reforms will mainly consist of weakening the administrative state.
The administrative state is a very wide circle of institutions and people, it is a gradually built bureaucracy machine. It started in 1914 with President Wilson who had his own philosophy of building a non-political administration composed of experts who would be the heart of the American government system.
Over time this bureaucratic administrative state began to grow and become powerful. He became powerful because the executive was getting stronger. The deep crisis of 1928 led to the creation of many government agencies to cope with the crisis, to support investments, for social assistance, etc.
After the second world war the administrative state became much more powerful because the military grew unusually, the military industry grew strongly, public finance, public services, the role of government all increased in a way that had not been seen before .
Parallel to this growth of the government and the administrative state, liberalism was taking full control. Liberalism, liberal socialism, ideas of strengthening secularization, ideas of displacement of religious belief from public life, etc. became the ruling philosophy. America (also Europe but this is another debate) turned liberalism (not the classical one but the socialist one) into a "religion" that guided the way the economy was done, how the country was governed, how laws were made and how decisions were made in the Supreme Court. The administrative state was in function of this whole philosophy. Thus, employees everywhere in government agencies, people from the public service system, people from the justice system internalized socialist liberalism as their new philosophy, and the administrative state itself began to become the shield of this philosophy. The universities, especially those of the Ivy League (the famous universities of the East Coast, i.e. of New York, Massachusetts, Maryland, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Rhode Island, etc.) became the hearts where socialist liberalism was conceived, nurtured and grew.
Whenever a republican president like Eisenhower, Nixon, Reagan or Bush came to power, they governed within this philosophy no matter how hard they tried (especially Reagan, the wonderful Reagan) to give a conservative impetus to policies or governance.
Liberalizmi socialist kishte pushtuar gjithçka dhe kur shfaqej diçka ndryshe ajo ironizohej dhe bëhej ose sillej siç donte liberalizmi. Gjyqtarë të Gjykatës supreme të emëruar nga Ajzenhauer si Earl Warren, të emëruar nga Reagan si Antonin Kennedy, te meruar nga Bush si John Roberts etj silleshin si liberale. Antonin Kennedy me opinionet e tij ishte frymëzimi më i madh i liberalëve. Opinionet e tij në vendimet e Gjykatës Supreme në Amerikë i kanë çelur rrugën martesave homoseksuale. Shteti administrativ ishte në kontroll të shumëçkaje. Rendi liberal apo ultra liberal kishte një mbrojtës ekstrem. Qerveria ishte rritur në mënyrë gjigande. E gjithë kjo kishte ndodhur edhe nga idetë socialiste të Willsonit, Rusveltit, Kenedit apo Obamës por kishte ndodhur edhe nga fuqizimi i pushtetit të ekzekutivit. Në kushtetutën e SHBA-së presidenti ka pushtet të vogël. Në kushtetutën e SHBA-së pushtetin e kanë shtetet dhe kongresi.
Zhbërja e këtij themeli kushtetues dhe agjenda apo idetë socialiste çuan këtu. Presidenti Trump kërkon ta zhbëjë këtë shtet administrativ me sa duket nga emërimet në kabinet deri tani. Të paktën nga emërimi në departamentin e mbrojtjes dhe atë të drejtësisë ku një elitë gjeneralësh dhe ushtarakësh të lartë së bashku me një elitë prokurorësh dhe oficerësh të lartë janë pjesë e këtij shteti administrativ.
Në qoftë se kjo bëhet, d.m.th, në qoftë se SHBA kthehet tek parimet e një qeverie të vogël dhe konservatore, kjo është shumë e mirë. Çështja është se këtu duket sikur ka diçka gabim në koncept. Këtë e thonë edhe shumë profesorë të së drejtës dhe politikës në SHBA. Profesorë jo liberalë. Ky shtet administrativ që mbron rendin liberal apo ultraliberal majtist nuk është ngritur si diçka burokratike. Ai është ngritur nga fuqizimi i pushtetit të presidentit. Së dyti, ky shtet administrativ ka përdorur një boshllëk ose elita liberale, elita socialiste ndihmoi të krijohej një boshllëk.
Ky boshllëk është një element themelor tek fryma e kushtetutës së SHBA e cila në qendër të saj ka shmangien e tiranisë dhe garantimin e lirisë. Kjo shmangie tiranie dhe garantim lirie, sipas kushtetues dhe Etërve të SHBA-së, nuk do bëhej nga qeveria.
Tendencat apo impulset e këqija të njerëzve nuk do ndalohen nga qeveria. Po t’i jepej qeverisë ky pushtet atëherë ajo do bëhej tiranike. Ky pushtet iu dha një pushteti më të lartë, iu dha Zotit. Pra njerëzit do të mbroheshin nga impulset e këqija të njerëzve, pra të njëri-tjetrit nga frika prej Zotit. Kjo e bën SHBA dhe kushtetutën e saj gjënë më të bukur dhe më interesante në politikën botërore. Sot, ky pushtet i lartë nuk është aq i fuqishëm në Amerikë. Sot e majta dhe liberalët (lëvizjet dhe idetë shekullarizuese) ia kanë dalë ta dobësojnë besimin në Zot në Amerikë.
So Trump or the Republicans will find it difficult if not impossible to weaken the administrative state. However, a spirit exists to do something. Some conservative thinkers are in the circles next to Trump and Vance. The ideas of Deneen, of Dreher, of Kimball are there with some kind of visible influence. Society must be ironized, recharged with faith in God, the power of the president must be reduced to weaken the administrative state.
That seems to be Trump's philosophy this term.
In terms of political lines, he will govern as he did last time, he will govern generally by maintaining traditional American lines of support for NATO, of not allowing China to compete unfairly, of not allowing Russia to come back in the threat to Europe and NATO, to the close relations with the EU, to the regeneration of the Abrahamic agreements, to not allowing Iran to possess nuclear bombs.
There is no difference here. The arrival of Marco Rubio in the post of Secretary of State is a guarantee that there is no basic change and it will even be in the early lines of Bush, Obama, Biden and Trump himself in the first term. Regarding Albania, it must be said that the USA does not have a special policy for a country, and even more so for a country like us. It has broad policies such as those for NATO, for the region, for Russia or for China. These policies in Albania have been translated and will be translated into support for EU membership, the fight against corruption, support for justice reform, etc. Those who think otherwise will be sorely disappointed.
The whole group of campaign and cabinet people, the whole spirit of the broad conservatives of the Republican camp from Ingraham, Weigel, Trueman, Ahmari, O Reilly, Henninger, etc, etc, is on this line more or less. Their values are belief in God, natural rights, permanent things (moral values derived from sacred texts), small government, freedom, etc. They know that Trump has many limitations but they see him as an opportunity and a tool to do something. Trump is essentially non-ideological while they are. Perhaps this contradiction has led to this solution that Trump is looking for. The challenge is
great, and the dangers of this not-so-conceptual path are also very great.
In many countries, even in our country, the political forces that seem to be strongly with Trump do not have anything to do with these values, nor do they want to know about faith in God, nor do they have anything to do with the fear of God, nor do they have anything to do with with natural rights, the small state or the limitation of power, etc. They are with Trump for non-political reasons. This whole thing is another thing and obviously without any value in the big picture.
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