Gaz Bardhi as Zeqine's brother, or stay out of the game by insisting that you are the main player!
By Irena Beqiraj
I gathered my patience and watched "Opinion" yesterday, where representatives of three opposition parties, students, civil society representatives, and journalists were invited.
While there was a spirit of cooperation among the smaller opposition parties and the students, the stance of the representative of the Democratic Party, the largest opposition force in Parliament, Gazment Bardhi, was, in my opinion, wrong. Without a doubt, he was in a disadvantageous position. Other opposition parties distance themselves from the DP, not only because of political rivalry, but also because its leadership carries the weight of the past, with precedents of misgovernment, political violence and authoritarian tendencies.
The students clearly expressed that the goal is not simply to overthrow Edi Rama, but to change the personalist system that has asphyxiated democracy within parties and, subsequently, in society.
Gazment Bardhi, eloquent and aggressive in his attack on Adriatik Lapaj, seemed to me like Zeqine's brother: Too eager to attack, too little willingness to reflect.
When you represent the party that was in power when the foundations of the current system were laid, defending yourself through attack is neither politically wise nor morally compelling. It would be more political to defend yourself by accepting responsibility.
Yes, responsibility!
If we were to give the Albanian political system, whose architects are Berisha and Rama, an economic synonym, it would be the word industry. An industry where the main actors, beyond their public function, produce and distribute private, political and economic benefits. From this perspective, our political system resembles a duopoly dominated by two main players: the DP and the SP.
Each party has built its own political industrial complex, where the interests of the party group, oligarchs, media, consultants, analysts, and other actors who benefit from the functioning of the existing system are intertwined.
But while, in a normal market, competition would bring innovation and improvement of the offer, in the closed Albanian political market, it is a threat to the interests of consolidated players. Therefore, the changes to the Electoral Code have been among the most significant cases of cooperation between the two main parties, creating rules that have made it difficult for new alternatives to enter and have favored the preservation of dominant positions.
For 13 years, the DP's strategy to come to power has relied primarily on mobilizing dissatisfaction with the government, trying to convince voters that it represents the best alternative, or at least the lesser evil.
But time has shown that dissatisfaction with the government does not automatically produce trust in the opposition.
The protests are highlighting a demand that goes beyond political rotation: Changing the way power is organized and exercised. Students and young groups are not simply demanding the replacement of one prime minister with another, but democracy within parties, accountability, and real political competition.
This is precisely where the challenge for the DP lies. It will either accept its historical responsibility for consolidating the duopoly and become part of a real process of change, or it will remain hostage to the same political logic that has produced distrust.
Today, Albania does not simply need a coalition to overthrow the government, but a political agreement to change the rules of the game. An agreement that guarantees fair competition, the democratization of parties, the independence of institutions, and the limitation of the influence of private interests on public decision-making.
The DP is at a crossroads: Either it humbly accepts its responsibility for consolidating the duopolistic system and cooperates with new forces to change the rules of the game, or it risks experiencing the fate of the traditional Serbian opposition.
Political developments in Serbia have sent a message that applies to the Albanian opposition: No party has a permanent monopoly on the opposition. What seems irreplaceable today may become unnecessary tomorrow.
Therefore, the DP's challenge is no longer simply to overthrow Edi Rama, but to prove that it is ready to change the very system that has kept it and the SP at the center of Albanian politics.
If it does not understand this, the DP risks discovering that Edi Rama is not its biggest threat. The real threat is the emergence of an opposition that can do without him.
There is no greater irony than being left out of the game, insisting that you are the main player!
PS. DP militants, don't get tired of insulting me in the comments, because I am best trained by the SP patronageists! I have won immunity!
Po ndodh...
Students and Albanians don't love you Sali, not the DP!
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