Never Appears in Public: Who is the "supreme leader" of the Houthi movement that is scaring oil markets

Abdul Malik al-Houthi represents the pinnacle of political, religious and military power in the Houthi movement. His followers consider him the “Supreme Leader,” a role that, despite major differences, is reminiscent of the model of power built by Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in Iran, a country that has served as an inspiration and important ally for the movement.
Born in 1982, Abdul Malik grew up as a fighter under the guidance of his father and brother, part of a clan that embodied the resistance of the Zaydi Shiite community in Yemen.
Like many leaders of the movement, he spent a period of study in Iran, in the holy city of Qom, where, in addition to his religious training, he also established connections with the structures of the Iranian system.
His return to Yemen marked his involvement in the growth of the movement, until he took over leadership after his brother was killed in fighting in 2005. At the time, he was considered too young and inexperienced for such a difficult task.
But he managed to surprise his opponents, transforming a group of guerrillas into a military force that resisted the government, expanded territorial control, and in 2014 took control of Sana'a.
Since then, the Houthis have become one of the main components of the Tehran-backed "Axis of Resistance."
But the victory also brought a heavy burden: leading one of the poorest regions in the world and facing a large number of opponents.
Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates supported opposing forces, while mercenaries and armed groups were involved in efforts to stop the Houthis' expansion.
However, the movement continued to hold its ground. Even American-British bombing and Israeli attacks have failed to decisively alter this balance.
Part of the success is attributed to the way power is organized around the Huthi family and especially Abdul Malik: constant mobilization, strict discipline, and firm control over opponents.
Reports of torture and harsh punishments against opponents have accompanied this system, while divisions between rival forces have further favored the Houthis.
Abdul Malik has built a model of power where religion and militancy are intertwined with an undisputed leader who sets the political line. But its distinguishing characteristic is extreme security.

He almost never appears in public and does not personally attend rallies or ceremonies. He delivers speeches via recorded videos or live links.
Kjo masë sigurie lidhet me përpjekjet e përsëritura për ta eliminuar. Një sulm izraelit ka vrarë figura të rëndësishme të lëvizjes, por jo udhëheqësin e saj.
Dyshimet për depërtim të shërbimeve të huaja kanë ushqyer një klimë të fortë paranoje dhe një fushatë të vazhdueshme kundër spiunazhit.
Historia e Jemenit e bën edhe më të ndërlikuar këtë konflikt. Në vitet 1960, Mossadi izraelit ndihmoi monarkinë jemenase në një operacion të fshehtë kundër forcave egjiptiane të dërguara nga Gamal Abdul Nasser për të mbështetur republikanët.
Ndërhyrja egjiptiane përfundoi në katastrofë dhe la pas një kujtim traumatik që ndihmon të shpjegohet edhe kujdesi i sotëm i Kajros ndaj zhvillimeve në Jemen.
Jemeni mbetet një vend i copëzuar, i përfshirë prej dekadash në luftëra dhe rivalitete të brendshme. Por pozicioni i tij në hyrje të Detit të Kuq i jep një rëndësi gjeopolitike shumë më të madhe se madhësia e tij.
Dhe Abdul Malik Al-Huthi duket se synon të jetë jo thjesht një aleat i Iranit, por një nga kujdestarët e kësaj porte strategjike.
Po ndodh...
The "small flower" and the big problem of Rama and Berisha!
ide
It's not the Cauliflower Trust, it's the Aruba Cartel!
Tri krizat dhe tri zgjidhjet
Innocence for the liberators, so that history is not judged!
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